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House of Commons debate of 25 October 1990
concerning "due impartiality" in the broadcasting of
political issues (page three of twenty-four)

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(Mr Maclennan's speech continued from overleaf)

    What is the mischief?  Are we speaking only of the views of Lord Wyatt and of one or two other rare birds in another place, or is there a more general problem?  The number of complaints made about impartiality has been minuscule.

    Mr. Mellor: The Television Act 1954 prescribed the basic law, which will remain unchanged by the Bill, but instead of there being a bare requirement for a code - with which I should have been perfectly content, if it had been left to me - the question arose, as expressed in the concerns of their Lordships and in an early-day motion of this House, as to whether that bare requirement would of itself be adequate, and of whether we should perform the additional task of making it clear that the code dealt also with controversial areas.
    The amendment sets out several areas which some would argue any self-respecting code would anyway be bound to cover, and which the ITC of its own volition would have chosen to cover.  I should have rested perfectly content with such a provision, but as their Lordships took the view that it would be possible to achieve a broader consensus, it seemed perfectly proper to flesh out the requirements for a code by setting out certain heads that it should cover.
    Such a provision could only distort the intentions of the 1954 Act if it added to the requirement for due impartiality that has always been part of the law since the creation of the independent television system.  I can state categorically - and this is the belief also of the ITC - that it will not do so but will merely set out points that the ITC should take into account when drawing up its code.  The amendment will not alter the substantive law but will introduce only an element of consolation for those concerned that the code might fall short in certain respects, that it will cover certain key areas.  Nevertheless, the amendment does not dictate how the ITC should discharge that function.
    Despite some of the huff and puff that we have heard, a much more minor amendment would make people think.  Just as I have given considerable thought to whether to advance the amendments - all of which passed through my office in their drafting - and to making sure that we did not blur the principle to which I attach importance, others should be certain that they are not - as appeared to be the case from one or two speeches in another place - arguing against the principle of due impartiality, or merely wanting a good old ding-dong about what is admittedly a highly attractive subject for a good old ding-dong, without relating it to the substance of the debate. 
    The Government showed their good faith by reflecting on all those matters and tabling a draft amendment, albeit that it was found wanting in certain respects.

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    Mr. Roy Hattersley (Birmingham, Sparkbrook): And sometimes described as defeated in Committee.

4.45 p.m.
    Mr. Mellor: No, it was not defeated.  The right hon. Gentleman could not have been following the Bill's progress with his customary attention.  The water was tested, and certain views were expressed that seemed to me appropriate to take into account.  That was done, and a new draft emerged that was entirely satisfactory to the ITC.  After all, it is that organisation that will have to perform the duty of regulation.  The ITC would not have given its approval to the amendment if it achieved only one half or one quarter of the things that those who cannot reconcile themselves to the amendment say that it will.  That is the case for the amendment, and I shall let it rest at that.

    Mr. Hattersley: I begin by thanking the Minister for the tribute that he paid to my late hon. Friend and colleague, Mr. Norman Buchan.  Had he been with us today, Norman Buchan would have contributed to this debate with great passion and authority.  We shall miss him for more than this afternoon, because he was a genuinely interesting man who took a real interest in a variety of matters in the House and outside it.  I am grateful for the Minister's remarks.  I know that my right hon. and hon. Friends would want me to emphasise the great loss which we feel and which the Minister was kind enough to mention. 
    It is difficult to follow the passion with which the Minister defended the proposed new clause.  He proceeded with what is, in his new mood, his usual emollience, saying that he will listen with care and interest to all that is said.  That would be enormously comforting if only we could believe that, having listened to all that we say, the Minister is likely to take any notice of it.
    We know very well that the clause will be added to the Bill, although, judging from the right and hon. Gentleman's closing remarks, that will happen without the slightest enthusiasm from the Minister who pilots the Bill.  He said that, to his mind, the Bill was perfectly satisfactory when it left the House and that he would have been perfectly content if it had remained as it was.  He spoke of others taking a different view without identifying them.

    Mr. Mellor: I made it clear that the others to whom I was referring were certain of their Lordships and hon. Members who had expressed a view in an early-day motion in this House.  It is perfectly proper that I should listen to them, as I do to Opposition Members.  I did so many times, and then changed the Bill as a result.

    Mr. Hattersley: I do not want to argue that point at great length, but if the Minister had simply been willing to listen to their Lordships' views, he would have abandoned his attempt to introduce such a clause when it became clear from the outset that their Lordships did not want it to proceed.  The Minister tells the House that the clause is of no consequence, and no doubt he would like the country to hear that remark - yet it is of such importance to someone that three attempts were made to devise a draft acceptable to another place, and enormous pressure was placed on the stalwarts who support the Government there to turn up and ensure that it was passed.
    Somebody liked the clause and regarded it as important.  I accept that that somebody is not the Minister, because his reply to the hon. Member for Caithness and

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Sutherland (Mr. Maclennan) gave every impression of a man swimming in treacle.  He was making the heaviest possible weather of defending what he had to defend.  I at least propose to set out in the clearest terms within my capability why we are wholly opposed to it and to make it absolutely clear that when the Labour Government are elected we shall repeal this clause, which we regard as intimidatory and inconsistent with broadcasting in a free society.
    There is general agreement among the parties, broadcasters and, I believe, the viewing public about the importance of impartiality in television.  It is essential to a democracy, particularly in a society that increasingly obtains its information from television.  For that reason, successive Broadcasting Acts have charged the ITA, the IBA and, soon, the Independent Broadcasting Commission with the duty of ensuring that proper impartiality and balance are preserved.  From the inception of independent broadcasting to the passage of the Bill through all its stages in the House, it has been generally agreed that the judgment on how impartiality was to be maintained should be left to the body that was required to regulate independent television.  It should be left to its judgment alone.

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