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(Continued from overleaf)
11.32 p.m.
Lord Morris spoke for 6 minutes without mentioning impartiality.
11.38 p.m.
Lord Bonham-Carter [former vice-chairman of the BBC] spoke for 15 minutes, during which he addressed the matter of impartiality thus:
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I should also like to dwell longer in due course on what due impartiality means and how it should be interpreted in broadcasting. I am surprised at the fervour of the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt, on impartiality. No one can say that the newspapers for which he works show that virtue in a notable degree. However, that is something that we can discuss in Committee. I hope that we shall be able to clarify the situation…
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…Not only do we have the Broadcasting Standards Council, but we have had in the past the Sinn Fein ban, which still exists, the Zircon affair, the Government's response to "Death on the Rock" and the "Real Lives" affair. There has thus been a succession of episodes, some of which are now incorporated in the Bill, which can only be seen as attempts to interfere with the broadcaster, to harass and stifle the broadcaster. I am sure that that is welcome to the noble Lords, Lord Wyatt and Lord Orr-Ewing, who appear to want to introduce even further regulations in a highly regulated field. What is needed in the Bill, in my opinion, is not more regulation but more protection of the broadcasting authorities from interference by governments…
11.53 p.m.
Baroness Ewart-Biggs spoke for 15 minutes without mentioning impartiality.
12.08 p.m.
Earl Ferrers wound up the debate with a speech lasting 21 minutes, which he ended on the matter of impartiality:
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…Perhaps I may just refer to the question of impartiality. My noble friend Lord Orr-Ewing, my noble friend Lady Elles, the noble Lords, Lord Chalfont, Lord Wyatt and Lord Bonham-Carter were concerned about that matter. For national and regional television services the Bill requires due impartiality as regards matters of current political or industrial controversy or relating to current public policy. As in the 1981 Act, due impartiality may apply to a series of programmes taken as whole. Since the subject of impartiality involves complex issues, for the first time the Bill requires the ITC to produce and to enforce a code of practice indicating the ways in which impartiality should be achieved in different circumstances.
I know that there is concern in some quarters over the provision which enables the impartiality requirement to be achieved over a series of
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programmes. However, I do not think that it would be right to apply the requirement for impartiality to each individual programme. That kind of approach would often lead to serious practical difficulties. In any case, as the noble Lord, Lord Willis, said, it would tend to stifle effective presentation and examination of issues.
The time-scale over which a balanced presentation of arguments should occur will depend on the subject matter. The proposal in the Bill that the Independent Television Commission be required to produce and enforce a code of practice on this issue will ensure that the broadcasters and the public will know exactly what is expected of them in this area. The existing legislation requires impartiality as regards all matters of political or industrial controversy or current public policy.
The Bill slightly limits the requirement to matters of current political or industrial controversy as well as current public policy. That will allow historical programmes, for example, to be dealt with from a particular point of view while maintaining the need for balance whenever the controversy question is still active. It is important to appreciate that the qualification "current" relates not to the events themselves but to the controversy surrounding them. Where historical events continue to generate current controversy that due impartiality requirement will continue to operate.
There are many other points that your Lordships have made which, on the whole, I believe that your Lordships might prefer me not to pursue. I agree with my noble friend Lord Bessborough that the Government must not try to dictate the pace of change or draw up a prescriptive blueprint. What is important in what we are trying to do in this Bill in deciding the future of British broadcasting is the interplay of millions of decisions which are taken by individual artists, technicians, broadcasters, advertisers, investors, businessmen and, above all, by viewers and listeners. In all this we have to strike a balance. That is a balance that we seek to achieve.
As I have said, there are still some adjustments to be made. I gather that your Lordships think that there may be even more adjustments than the Government think need be made. We shall pay very great attention to all that your Lordships have said today about this Bill. I have no doubt that we shall return to many of the matters again at Committee stage. I am deeply grateful to your Lordships for the care and consideration which have been given to the Bill this afternoon. We shall consider all the matters and see where we go from there. I beg to move.
On Question, Bill read a second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House. House adjourned at twenty-nine minutes past midnight.
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